By Zosia Halina Archibald
The south-eastern tip of continental Europe was once a big concentration of inventive strength within the moment half the 1st millennium BC. because the bridgehead among Europe, Asia, and the Mediterranean, the lands that corresponded to northern Greece, Bulgaria, and the eu components of Turkey grew to become a spotlight of curiosity for quite a few exterior powers prepared to profit from this region's burgeoning wealth.
While the traditional kingdoms of Macedon and Thrace have been considered fringe components of the Mediterranean, they turned wealthy and winning, partially by way of exploiting the region's mineral wealth and bushes and from the powerful herding of farm animals. In fiscal phrases, those land-based states have been strongly attached to the maritime powers of important and southern Greece and with parts some distance past the Aegean.
Using the main up to date tools and theories approximately historical economies, Archibald explores the cultural and financial dynamics of a zone that maintains to bare unforeseen dimensions of Classical antiquity.
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Additional resources for Ancient Economies of the Northern Aegean: Fifth to First Centuries BC
2 on settlement patterns and types. 60 On Karl Marx’s views on ancient slavery: Morley 2009, 42–3, 151–6; de Ste Croix 1981, 52: ‘the most signiﬁcant distinguishing feature of each social formation, each “mode of production”, . . is not so much how the bulk of the labour of production is done, as how 59 Introduction 31 Velkov was disinclined to speculate and eschewed theoretical exposition, preferring to explore the available evidence as fully as possible. Since his own systematic investigations ventured into the civic histories of the coastal trading towns of the Black Sea coast, such as Odessos and Mesambria, as well as into classical slavery and mining, it was clear enough to his scholarly eye that no cordon sanitaire could realistically be constructed around the coastal communities, isolating these enclaves of foreign contagion from the healthy independence of rural communities in the interior.
The Russian historian gave far more prominence to Macedonia and Thrace in his magisterial history than many subsequent writers on the Aegean area. His knowledge of Cyrillic scripts and of Slav languages made the source material accessible, but this familiarity also made him sensible of the possibilities that the limited evidence available at that time could offer. The problems that historians have since identiﬁed with Rostovtzeff ’s approach have less to do with his materials, and more to do with his conceptual framework.
37 Bresson et al. 2007 and other contributions to the same volume. 42–44, citing Bowersock 1993. Rostovtzeff also spent time at the University of Wisconsin in Madison before moving to Yale. (I am grateful to Gary Reger for this additional link in R’s North American itinerary). 39 Horden and Purcell, 32; Archibald 2001, 382; Müller 2010, 19. 24 Introduction In their magniﬁcent and immensely erudite survey of history of, not in, the Mediterranean, Horden and Purcell have rejected Rostovtzeff ’s socioeconomic construction as an obsolete relic of early twentieth-century scholarship.
Ancient Economies of the Northern Aegean: Fifth to First Centuries BC by Zosia Halina Archibald