By G. D. H. Cole
G.D.H.Cole (1889-1959) was once an exceptional political historian and theorist through the interwar and rapid postwar classes. He was once a exertions social gathering highbrow who helped to form the party's considering, lively within the peace circulate in the course of the First international struggle and within the Fabian Society in its early days. This seven-volume assortment is his entire account of the advance of socialist considering from the early 'social' thinkers who favourite cooperative motion, throughout the improvement of rules of social democracy and of attaining social justice via social and political revolution.
Introduction to the gathering; A.Gamble
The Forerunners, 1789-1850
Marxism and Anarchism, 1850-1890
The moment foreign 1889-1914, half I
The moment foreign 1889-1914, half II
Communism and Social Democracy 1914-1931, half I
Communism and Social Democracy 1914-1931, half II
Socialism and Fascism 1931-1939
G.D.H.COLE (1889-1959) was once a number one British political theorist and economist and top suggest of social monetary making plans through the Nineteen Thirties. He held educational posts in philosophy and economics and from 1944 was once Chichele Professor of Social and Political idea at Oxford.
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Additional resources for A History of Socialist Thought, Volume 1: The Forerunners, 1789-1850
His Itnndpoint is that of the eighteenth-century opponent of luxury and upholder of the virtues of simple living. He detests liie development of the manufacturing system, which he sees feg withdrawing needed labour from the cultivation of the land, ■ u sin g food to become scarce and dear, and creating a mass i>l impoverished workers who are compelled to labour for the bfoiit of the rich. By ‘ civilisation’ he means a system under which this happens, so that the interests of the rich and the poor lim e to be more and more sharply opposed.
Itorship as more than an expedient of transition over a short period to a fully democratic Constitution based on manhood Hiiftrage. They did, however, propose to proceed immediately — without waiting for the Constitution to be brought into force — to large measures of expropriation and redistribution of property holdings on a basis of communal appropriation and enjoyment of all goods. ‘ Nature’ , they proclaimed in the opening section of the Manifesto o f the Equals, ‘ has given to every man an equal right to the enjoyment of all goods’ , tnd on this basis they proposed to expropriate at once all property belonging to corporations and to enemies of the people and, at the same time, to abolish all rights of inheritance, no that property still left in private hands would lapse over a single generation into communal ownership.
He denied that society itself, as distinct from the individuals who made It up, had any claim at all on the individual’s loyalty or moral duty ; and his conception of human relations at their best W a s that of a number of independent individuals, each seeking the welfare of all the others without any bond between them lave that of mutual claims and duties. He knew, however, that tnan could not in fact manage without social organisation, or Ivcn altogether without coercion — though he hoped that one day they would.
A History of Socialist Thought, Volume 1: The Forerunners, 1789-1850 by G. D. H. Cole